The NDP leadership likes to present themselves as supporters of Indigenous people, but in the Wet’suwet’en struggle the sad reality is that the B.C. NDP is primarily responsible for this violation of Indigenous rights. The federal NDP is not much better, issuing equivocal statements in order to camouflage the actions of their provincial counterparts. It is vital that NDP members insist that the party cease this injustice and support the just demands of the Wet’suwet’en.
RCMP raids and eviction of NDP MLA
On Nov. 18-19 the RCMP carried out a series of militarized raids on behalf of TC Energy against Indigenous land defenders blocking construction of the Coastal GasLink (CGL) pipeline on Wet’suwet’en land. Video from the police raid on the Coyote Camp at CGL’s drill site at the headwaters of Wedzin Kwa (Morice River) shows harrowing scenes as the police hacked a door open with an axe and chainsaw in order to arrest at gunpoint Indigenous women at the camp. Over the course of two days, the RCMP, armed with assault rifles and using attack dogs, arrested some 32 people, including legal observers, journalists, Haudenosaunee defenders, and Wet’suwet’en elders.
In response to the raids, it is being reported that Gitxsan hereditary chiefs, matriarchs and elders have issued an eviction notice to Stikine NDP MLA Nathan Cullen for “failure to ensure the safety of his constituents”, including the Gitxsan and Wet’suwet’en.
This should come as no surprise as the B.C. NDP has presided over militarized raids by the RCMP on behalf of Coastal GasLink against land and water defenders on Wet’suwet’en lands for three consecutive years. The NDP has done this despite passing the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) as law in British Columbia.
Among other things, UNDRIP is supposed to guarantee the requirement of free, prior and informed consent by Indigenous peoples for any activity on their lands, including development and resource extraction projects such as pipelines. The repeated RCMP raids in Wet’suwet’en prove that the adoption of UNDRIP as law amounts to nothing more than smoke and mirrors. Indigenous people in Canada will not be granted these rights to consent to economic activity on their lands because the ruling class and the Canadian state cannot allow Indigenous rights and title to interfere with resource extraction and profits.
The eviction notice stated that, “You [Nathan Cullen] failed to ensure the safety of your constituents, including Gitxsan and Wet’suwet’en people from the violence and excessive force used by overly armed RCMP at or near Houston B.C. and New Hazelton B.C. during the months of October to November 2021.”
The Chiefs of the Gitxsan Huwilp Government have explained that Cullen has not fulfilled any of the promises he made to the Huwilp “directly” during his campaign, adding that, “We’re here to evict Nathan Cullen, the representative of the Stikine region from Gitxsan territory because he failed to stand up for the poor people… Everybody is getting rich from our land and we remain poor.”
The Chiefs have said that the eviction notice also applies to all corporations on their lands, including Coastal GasLink, explaining that, “We’re not going to stand by when our land is being poisoned by the pipeline. We are not going to stand by as big corporations come out from other countries and take all our resources while our future generations are going to suffer.”
The culpability of the B.C. NDP
The B.C. NDP is a culprit in this situation. The B.C. NDP is the party that forms the provincial government of British Columbia. This is the third time in as many years that the B.C. government has deployed heavily armed RCMP officers to attack and arrest Wet’suwet’en land defenders. As the governing party, the B.C. NDP has thus presided over the trampling of Wet’suwet’en rights and de facto supports the CGL pipeline project and stands in opposition to the struggle of Wet’suwet’en land defenders.
Premier John Horgan is currently on sick leave as he undergoes cancer treatment. We have thus been spared his comments about the “rule of law”, justifying the construction of the pipeline, the injunctions, the RCMP raids, and the trampling of Indigenous rights. In Horgan’s absence, however, the ministers in his government have continued with the same sorts of statements.
To justify its actions, the B.C. NDP has consistently hidden behind arguments of jurisdiction. The B.C. NDP wants to wash its hands of the CGL injunction by saying it’s a matter between CGL and the Supreme Court and that the provincial government is not involved in directing RCMP enforcement of the injunction.
B.C. Indigenous Affairs Minister Murray Rankin has consistently defended the NDP government’s approach to the Wet’suwet’en, even after the most recent RCMP raids. When asked why the RCMP were sent to Wet’suwet’en territory to arrest land defenders during the state of emergency caused by recent floods Rankin said, “[it] was a decision made by police, and that politicians do not and should not have any say over their operations.”
In a recent CBC article, he is quoted as saying the following:
“The province did not bring that injunction … It was the company who sought the assistance of the court through an injunction to allow it to do work that it had the legal right to pursue. In our democracy, it is not the government of the day that directs police to do their work.”
This has consistently been the B.C. NDP government’s argument since the raids started, and has already been exposed as a bald-faced lie. Of course, according to the norms of bourgeois law, there is a division of powers between the government, the courts, and the police. During the RCMP raids on Wet’suwet’en lands last year we heard the same argument from Trudeau and Horgan: that the federal and B.C. governments were not directing RCMP enforcement of injunctions against the Wet’suwet’en and against rail blockades around the country in solidarity with their struggle.
But the reality of the situation is in fact quite different. All three institutions are key pillars in the defence of the rule of the capitalist class, and as such there is always a certain level of cooperation between them, especially when it comes to defending the private ownership of the means of production. During last year’s raids, the police in B.C., Alberta, and Ontario were clearly enforcing injunctions, or temporarily holding off on enforcing them, on the direct or indirect instructions of the various governments involved.
As reported in The Georgia Straight, “This lie [that the B.C. NDP government had nothing to do with the deployment of the RCMP] was later exposed when the Wet’suwet’en, B.C. Civil Liberties Association, and the Union of B.C. Indian Chiefs released a letter from Mike Farnworth, Minister of Public Safety and Solicitor General, to then deputy RCMP commissioner Jennifer Strachan declaring a ‘provincial emergency’ and authorizing redeployment of the RCMP to violently suppress the rights of the Wet’suwet’en.”
Indigenous struggle and the working class
As was pointed out in The Georgia Straight, during the most recent RCMP raids the B.C. NDP decided to use the 500 CGL pipeline workers who found themselves behind the Wet’suwet’en blockades “as a wedge against the Wet’suwet’en.” In a statement released by Farnworth just before the raids began, the B.C. NDP government made the following argument:
“Yesterday’s blockades of the Morice River Forest Service Road have put at risk emergency access and the delivery of critical services to more than 500 Coastal GasLink workers, and the good faith commitments made between the Office of the Wet’suwet’en and the Province of B.C. to develop a new relationship based on respect… Blockades have now been established by project opponents in violation of the current court injunction. Obstructions on the roads have effectively cut off safe access, support and security for more than 500 workers… Our government is concerned about the health, safety and well-being of those workers as the obstructions on the roads prevent access in and out of the worksites. The right to protest does not extend to criminal actions.”
This is the oldest trick in the book—divide and rule at its finest. The B.C. NDP is attempting to pit the interests of Indigenous struggle against those of the working class by trying to pit CGL workers against the Wet’suwet’en land defenders.
The Canadian ruling class has historically been successful in pitting workers against Indigenous people or against the environmental struggle; for example, by arguing that concessions to Indigenous rights or environmental protections would mean a loss of jobs. As we have explained, the lack of a militant left-wing voice that defends the interests of the working class has meant that over the decades many workers—for example oil patch workers in Alberta or forestry workers in B.C.—began to identify their interests with those of the bosses and the corporations. “What’s good for the business is good for us” became the general sentiment, and a clear class-struggle perspective was lost for many workers.
But things are changing. We saw the protests and blockades in solidarity with the Wet’suwet’en last year. We have seen awareness of Indigenous issues and anger at the crimes of colonization reach all-time highs. We have seen the workers stranded behind a blockade in Baffinland stand in solidarity with the land defenders who erected the blockade. Things may also be changing for the CGL workers working on the construction of the pipeline through Wet’suwet’en lands.
When the Gidmit’en issued the eviction notice to CGL, the company was given time to inform the workers on the pipeline about what was going on, and to safely and peacefully evacuate them. CGL and the B.C. government deliberately ignored the eviction order and kept the workers in the dark. Contrary to the arguments of the B.C. NDP, it wasn’t the Gidmit’en who put the workers at risk, but CGL and the government.
A recent article inThe Tyee shows that Coastal GasLink failed to warn its workers about the blockade. In the article, one worker trapped behind the blockades said that he and others would have left had they been informed of the blockade. In an email, the worker said, “I don’t know about everybody, but a lot said they would have left.” Expressing the main contradiction, he later added, “I think there’s quite few people here [that] think [the protests are] about money. Others don’t like the fact that their job is being threatened. Some don’t want the pipeline and feel bad for working here but are just here for the paycheque.”
While anecdotal, it would seem that some of the CGL workers would support the struggle of the Wet’suwet’en. At the very least, some workers would be prepared to accept their wishes, including the decision to postpone or cancel construction of the pipeline. The working class and Indigenous peoples are natural allies in the struggle against capitalist exploitation. What is needed is a strong left-wing voice that can unite these struggles—and this is precisely what is mostly lacking.
Federal NDP’s position
The NDP should be playing a role in uniting the working class and Indigenous people against exploitation and injustice. But while the B.C. NDP directly violates Indigenous rights with the police raids, the federal party equivocates. Everything wrong with the NDP leadership’s approach to the question of Indigenous struggle in general, and specifically the Wet’suwet’en struggle, can be seen in a statement released by the federal party on Nov. 19. It is worth quoting the statement in full in order to see all the problems with the NDP’s position.
NDP statement on the situation on Wet’suwet’en territory
“We are deeply concerned to once again see militarized RCMP actions on Wet’suwet’en territory. In particular, we are concerned to hear about the arrest of journalists, who were prevented from carrying out their work, and First Nations People, who were prevented from carrying on their way of life.
Given past events, we urge the protection of constitutional and human rights of all involved in the pursuit of de-escalation. After more than a century of colonialism the way forward is not simple. Over the past two weeks, there have been serious efforts to pursue peaceful solutions through dialogue. These efforts have so far been unsuccessful. But we must do everything we can to make space for a peaceful resolution and open dialogue.
That is why the NDP is supporting Amnesty International calls for the RCMP to not use lethal force against Wet’suwet’en land defenders; to uphold the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous people; to allow critical foods and medicines to reach the communities and to work with the Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs, land defenders and supporters to allow the passage of foods and medicines to stranded Coastal Gaslink workers.
The NDP is committed to upholding Indigenous rights and advancing self-determination. New Democrats believe the federal government should not be able to pick and choose which Indigenous rights they will uphold, and which ones they will ignore. In line with recommendations from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which sets out minimum standards for the survival, dignity and well-being of Indigenous peoples, is the framework for reconciliation.”
The NDP statement says, “After more than a century of colonialism the way forward is not simple.” The way forward is not simple indeed if your policies and program remain within the limits of capitalism. In fact, there is no way forward on the basis of capitalism. However, on the basis of the perspective of socialism, there is a way forward: scrap the Indian Act, recognize Indigenous rights and title, recognize Indigenous self-governance and the right to free, prior, and informed consent. It is really quite simple, but this is precisely what cannot be offered on the basis of capitalism and why the NDP sees no way forward.
The real problem is revealed when the NDP says, “Given past events, we urge the protection of constitutional and human rights of all involved in the pursuit of de-escalation.” This establishes an equivalence between CGL, the government, the courts, and the RCMP on the one hand with the struggle of the Wet’suwet’en on the other.
There is no equivalence here. Claiming otherwise is akin to Donald Trump’s attempts to establish a moral equivalence between the fascists and antifascists at Charlottesville when he said there were “very fine people on both sides.” The raids, the use of militarized police, the violent arrests—these are all perfectly legal according to the law of the land and well within the “rights” of the RCMP and CGL under the terms of the court injunction. Does the federal NDP support these rights?
From the perspective of class struggle, comparing CGL’s usage of the courts and militarized police to protect its interests and profits cannot be compared with the struggle of the Wet’suwet’en defenders in protecting their lands and rights. The struggle of the slave owner to keep a slave in chains is not the same as the struggle of the slave to break those chains.
There is a fundamental clash between the rights and interests of CGL and those of the Wet’suwet’en. The NDP leadership wants to appease both sides, but respecting the rights of CGL means allowing the continuation of pipeline construction through Wet’suwet’en lands. Respecting the rights of the Wet’suwet’en means stopping pipeline construction because the hereditary chiefs have not consented to the project. Supporting both sides is not tenable—does the federal NDP leadership support the construction of the pipeline through Wet’suwet’en territory or not? The federal NDP leadership has nothing of substance to say about this fundamental contradiction of interests. At a certain point, the party will have to take a side, and by not taking a side, the NDP leadership ends up taking the side of the oppressor.
UNDRIP and ‘lethal force’
The NDP leadership says that UNDRIP is the framework for reconciliation and should be upheld. The statement by the party adds that the federal government should not be able to pick and choose which Indigenous rights it will uphold and which ones it will ignore. But the NDP itself doesn’t clarify which rights it will uphold, and ignores the basic rights of the Wet’suwet’en.
The federal NDP leaders turn around and in the very same statement say that the NDP “is supporting Amnesty International calls for the RCMP to not use lethal force against Wet’suwet’en land defenders.” This is a deplorable position to take in the face of the militarized RCMP raids on behalf of CGL. The NDP leadership wants a peaceful solution, and is opposed to the use of “lethal force”. But what about other types of force? Does the NDP support the use of non-lethal force? What about the arrests of land defenders? Are the arrests okay as long as the police don’t use assault rifles and attack dogs? Jagmeet Singh in the past has spoken about the “rule of law” in relation to the Wet’suwet’en struggle—meaning that the land defenders should respect the injunction against their blockades. But what about the rule of Wet’suwet’en law?
The NDP leaders say they are “concerned” about the arrests of journalists and Indigenous people, but only oppose “lethal force”. This is akin to Joe Biden’s “shoot them in the legs” comments with regard to the BLM protests last year and the question of violence and shootings at the hands of police.
The whole problem with the NDP’s position stems from the fact that it is not prepared to break from the norms of capitalist exploitation. If the NDP leadership really believes that UNDRIP is the framework for reconciliation, then it follows that the party must support the Wet’suwet’en rights to free, prior and informed consent. To be consistent, the NDP must also then support the rights of the Wet’suwet’en to oppose and stop pipeline construction on their lands.
If NDP leaders are genuinely committed to upholding Indigenous rights, then they must come out cleary in solidarity with the Wet’suwet’en land defenders, clearly oppose the construction of the CGL pipeline through Wet’suwet’en lands, stand opposed to the injunctions protecting CGL’s profits, and it must oppose the RCMP raids, regardless of what level of force the police use.
Support for the Wet’suwet’en in the NDP
While the federal NDP tries to come up the middle between CGL and the RCMP on the one hand and the Wet’suwet’en on the other, there have been other statements issued by MPs and provincial NDP parties that are much better.
At its provincial council over the weekend of Nov. 20-21, the Alberta NDP passed a resolution that clearly expressed solidarity with the Wet’suwet’en Nation, demanded that the RCMP immediately withdraw from the area, and demanded that construction on the pipeline be halted until hereditary chiefs give consent. This is the only consistent position to take if you genuinely support the Indigenous struggle to control their traditional lands.
It should be noted that the Alberta NDP resolution was not supported unanimously, and the youth wing of the party had to fight hard to get it passed. This is not surprising, given Rachel Notley’s love of all things oil and pipelines. Undoubtedly, Notley’s desire not to alienate the oil barons has led her to a contradictory and comprised position, similar to the federal party.
Federal NDP MP Niki Ashton has released statements in solidarity with the Wet’suwet’en land defenders and their right to defend their traditional territories and has supported calls for the release of those arrested. Other NDP MPs such as Charlie Angus and Leah Gazan have also made statements against the RCMP raids and in defence of Indigenous rights.
NDP MPP Sol Mamakwa released a good statement on behalf of the Ontario NDP. This is also worth quoting in full to see the contrast with the federal party’s position.
NDP statement on Wet’suwet’en
“The Supreme Court of Canada has recognized the Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs as the rightful holders of title to their unceded territories and recognized that their nation’s Aboriginal title has not been extinguished. The hereditary chiefs have asked for face to face meetings at the highest levels of the Canadian and British Columbia government. Those discussions should happen immediately and the RCMP needs to stand down and stop the arrests.
Issues and conflicts that arise from not respecting title, land claims and Indigenous sovereignty cannot be resolved by force and police enforcement. The land defenders at Wet’suwet’en are not criminals and should not be treated as such. Their forceful detention must be denounced for what it is. It is time for respect, dialogue and a peaceful resolution in the homelands of the Wet’suwet’en peoples.
While there are differing views on the blockades and pipeline construction in affected Indigenous communities and among different Indigenous governing bodies, these divisions should not be exploited by governments, industry or third parties. These are differences that should be resolved by the Indigenous leadership and community members within their nation and their ultimate wishes respected. The provincial and federal governments must give Wet’suwet’en the time, space and resources they need to accomplish this.
What’s happening in Wet’suwet’en disregards the Calls to Action of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Using force and violence to protect industry and profits above human rights is colonialism at its worst and must end now.”
While an open fight has not yet erupted in the NDP over the question of Indigenous rights and specifically over the Wet’suwet’en struggle, a reckoning will eventually come. The B.C. NDP on the one side presides over militarized raids against the Wet’suwet’en and justifies this by hiding behind jurisdictional issues and the court injunction. The Ontario and Alberta NDP have passed resolutions and issued statements in support of the Wet’suwet’en struggle. The federal party comes up the middle, between these two positions, trying to straddle the interests of Coastal GasLink and the Wet’suwet’en.
The three positions represented by the B.C. NDP, the federal NDP leadership, and the Alberta and Ontario provincial parties cannot be maintained indefinitely. The federal party and other provincial parties cannot simply stand by while their counterparts in B.C. attack the Wet’suwet’en. At a certain point the NDP as a whole will have to determine their position on these questions and will have to decide whose side they are on: the side of the capitalists and their state or the side of Indigenous peoples.
The real problem here is the NDP’s attachment to the ruling class’ notion of “reconciliation”. As a direct result of their experiences of trying to protect their lands against the encroachment of a corporation and the violent RCMP raids, the Wet’suwet’en land defenders have declared that “reconciliation is dead.” As Chief Woos, hereditary chief for the Cas Yikh of the Gidimt’en clan, said in a press release in relation to the recent raids, “I do not see any reconciliation in this. For our brothers and sisters of all Indigenous organizations, let this be a sign that reconciliation in their eyes is really the White Paper in disguise.”
Despite the obvious fact that reconciliation is indeed dead, the NDP leadership remains stubbornly attached to the idea. As we have said previously, “reconciliation” under capitalism is an absolute sham. Why should oppressed peoples have to reconcile with their oppressors in the first place? The whole concept is nonsense.
What the NDP leadership fails to realize is that there can be no talk of reconciliation when Indigenous peoples are still fighting for basic human rights, for recognition of title, for the right to free, prior and informed consent, etc . The reality is that there can never be reconciliation under capitalism. The recent struggles of the Wet’suwet’en and the Haudenosaunee prove this.
In reality, what reconciliation amounts to is this: the government and corporations offer empty promises, crocodile tears, and symbolic gestures devoid of real content. In return for these empty measures, the government and corporations ask for forgiveness. They ask for forgiveness for the crimes of the past, but neglect to mention that they will be asking for forgiveness for crimes being committed now and in the future. These crimes include the continued encroachment on Indigenous lands by government and corporations, the violent enforcement of corporate interests by the RCMP, the continuation of the residential school policy in the form of foster care, the continuation of boil-water advisories and extreme poverty on reserves. In short, the government asks for forgiveness and offers absolutely nothing in return in order that the government can continue its abuse and exploitation of Indigenous peoples. Governments and corporations praise themselves for their efforts towards “reconciliation”, while in the meantime Indigenous people continue to be denied rights and title and face violent police raids when they stand up for these rights.
If the NDP leadership is going to continue to support this so-called “reconciliation” it will find itself on the wrong side of the class divide, and the wrong side of history.
B.C. NDP leadership must be removed
Increasingly, the struggle of the working class against exploitation converges with the Indigenous struggle. The working class and Indigenous people face the same enemy: the capitalist class and their governments. Indigenous land defenders and striking workers suffer from the same weapons used by the ruling class. Court injunctions are used to arrest Indigenous land defenders and tear down blockades just as they are used to tear down picket lines and force striking workers back to work.
As was pointed out in The Georgia Straight, “Like the Gidimt’en, the B.C. labour movement knows full well what an injunction means—it has been used systematically to repress workers in the province…” The need for unity in these struggles is paramount, and is precisely what we should be working towards.
In a statement issued on Truth and Reconciliation Day, the B.C. Federation of Labour said the following:
“We will take this day to reflect on the damage done by colonialism and genocide: through the residential school system, through measures ranging from land theft to the suppression of languages and cultures, and through the many ways colonialism continues today. We will consider what it means to live and work in a colonial province and country. We will look at how labour in British Columbia and beyond can play a more effective role in dismantling those structures of oppression and serve as better allies to Indigenous peoples. And we will recommit to the work of decolonization, within our own walls and in the broader community.”
Now is the time for the B.C. Federation of Labour to follow through with this. The B.C. Federation of Labour can start to play a more effective role in dismantling structures of oppression by supporting the Wet’suwet’en, and joining their struggle against the B.C. NDP government and Coastal GasLink.
The fact that the B.C. NDP hides behind jurisdictional issues, and doesn’t stop the pipeline construction, shows whose side they are really on: the side of the oppressor. The B.C. NDP has repeatedly argued that the Coastal GasLink project has all the permits necessary for the construction of the pipeline. But there is one permit it does not have: it does not have any permits from the Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs.
In Orwellian fashion, the B.C. NDP is also trying to blame the conflict over the CGL pipeline on the divide between the Wet’suwet’en band councils and hereditary chiefs. There is in fact a divide between the Wet’suwet’en band councils and the hereditary chiefs. The band councils tend to support the pipeline project and oppose the blockades. But they only have jurisdiction over the reserves, and not the unceded traditional territories where the hereditary chiefs have jurisdiction. The pipeline is not passing through the reserves but through the unceded territories under the governance of the traditional chiefs. The hereditary chiefs are opposed to pipeline construction on their unceded territory and support the blockades. But this divide must be resolved by the Wet’suwet’en themselves, as should any future governance structure.
It must be understood that the Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs never ceded their lands through treaty or war. The hereditary chiefs have governed these unceded lands for centuries. They have been denied the right to exercise this governance. When they do try to exercise their title and rights to governance, they face violent repression from the state and the police. As Chief Woos recently said:
“It is Cas Yikh territory. That means we’re the stewards. We’re the ones that make decisions as to who can go on our territory. And it’s not up to [Coastal GasLink]. It’s not up to a court system to decide that. It’s not up to them.”
Because of these attacks on Indigenous rights and their use of the RCMP to violently enforce the interests of TC Energy and the CGL pipeline, the leadership of the B.C. NDP under Horgan and co. have lost the right to lead the party and to govern. The rank-and-file of the B.C. NDP and the B.C. labour movement must take immediate action to remove Horgan and co. from the leadership of the party. The B.C. Federation of Labour, by joining the struggle of the Wet’suwet’en and opposing the NDP government, could play a major role in a political revolt against the Horgan leadership in the party.
The working class of B.C. and indeed the whole country have a direct interest in supporting the struggle of the Wet’suwet’en and stopping these attacks on Indigenous rights. A new leadership of the B.C. NDP must be put in place; a leadership that will support the Wet’suwet’en struggle to defend their lands, stops trying to split the Indigenous community and foster the divide between the band councils and the traditional leadership of the Wet’suwet’en, will negotiate with the traditional leadership, and stop all pipeline construction and other projects that lack consent. This is a struggle that must be fought throughout the NDP, all the way to the federal leadership.
The only way to guarantee Indigenous rights and title and to support the interests of the working class will come through class struggle, through the struggle for a socialist society, i.e. through the struggle for the expropriation of the profiteers and nationalization of the main levers of the economy. Removing the profit motive and bringing down the colonial Canadian state and economy will be the only path to Indigenous liberation.
The working class and Indigenous communities need a leadership that fights for these goals. Horgan and co. are a barrier to the unity and solidarity of the Indigenous and working class struggle. More than that they have used the RCMP to actively attack the Wet’suwet’en and denied them their basic rights. The labour movement cannot stand for this. This is precisely why the ranks of the B.C. NDP and trade unions must remove Horgan and co. from the leadership, and build a leadership that stands in solidarity with the Wet’suwet’en and will fight for genuine Indigenous liberation.